Meeting Notes 

June 17, 2004

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Attendees Jon Rice, Procurement Services; Tina Brice, Procurement Services; Carey Shirk, SFS; Steve Raymond, University Bookstore; Harland Harris, Major Events; Peggy Pasternak; Ruby Hutchinson; Betsy Thompson; Alan Cohn; Diane Meeker; Anjula Joseph; Caroline Hoffman; Georgia Grant; Kathleen Jump; Mary Russell; Sebrina Ivey; Nykki Critzer
________________________________
Guests:
Paula Howard, Parking & Transportation; Patsy Knight, Procurement Services; Karen Terrell, Parking & Transportation; Susan Bonczar, Procurement Services; Rick Fleming, ITC; Peyton Webb, ITC; Matthew Marshall, Procurement Services; Peggy Candler, OSP; Victoria Carter, OSP; Stella Loftin, Housing; Jessica Humphreys, Housing; Becky Marshall, BIS EC representative; Gloria Smith, EC Chair for Medical Center Employee Council; Ginger Houchens, EC representative for Student Affairs; Tina Fuller, Student Health Center, EC representative for Student Affairs


Speakers
Phyllis Leffler, UVa professor of Public History


Program

Rotunda: Topic – The University of Virginia's Diversity Record

1:30 P.M. to 3:00 P.M.

Rotunda Tour 3:00 P. M. to 3:45 P. M

The following notes were taken from a presentation by Phyllis Leffler, UVa professor of Public History:

 

 

The University of Virginia : Its Diversity Record

 

 

The past establishes the parameters for the present. If we don't know about the past, or don't have reason to think about it, then we can't build on our strengths or actively overcome our weaknesses. So, in fact, the history of the university is critically important for thinking about where we need to go, and how we get there.

The University does not have a very impressive record on being expansive and proactively inclusive on issues of diversity . In fact, the historical record tends to be one that values exclusivity as part of a nineteenth-century aristocratic heritage that should be preserved.

The situation for women takes us back to the beginning of the twentieth century. The assumption was that women could not and should not be in classrooms with men. These views resulted from both biological and cultural values on gender roles. They were more strongly held in the south, where concepts of gentility and chivalry and honor were nostalgically linked to the Lost Cause in the aftermath of the Civil War.

Between 1910 and 1918, the question of whether to admit women to the university came up for every session of the Virginia legislature. Giving up on the idea of full co-education, the question became whether to authorize admitting women on a co-ordinate basis. Co-ordination meant that certain facilities would be shared. Women would not sit in the same classrooms as men. They would inhabit separate spheres, and would even be located in separate places. The idea was to establish a sister school, much like Harvard and Radcliffe. After numerous unsuccessful attempts, a compromise was reached, and the Board of Visitors resolved that women could be admitted to graduate and professional programs only, assuming that they had the educational background and met certain age restrictions. In 1920, The Board effectively restricted undergraduate education to Virginia gentlemen, and closed the doors to equal access by women until 1970. It did not mean that women had no access, they were always a tiny minority. The University of Virginia is frequently remembered as the last state university to admit women on a fully equal basis to its undergraduate programs.

The arguments that were used to deny access to women are instructive. They established a language and a rhetoric that was used time and again for half a century, despite the changing conditions and values within society. They tell us something important about the institutional values that prevailed then, and may perhaps linger to this day. They are, boldly put, the values of aristocratic elitism, couched in the name of academic standards and honor.

In this struggle for the admission of women, there are 2 major periods to consider. The first was that period leading up to 1920. The second was that leading up to 1970, when women were finally admitted on an equal basis with men. What is most fascinating is that the arguments in each era were the same.

As late as 1969, alumni, faculty, and students saw the admission of women as antithetical to the traditions of the university – the tradition of our founder and the traditions of Honor. In 1969, the Board of Visitors passed a resolution to admit women to the undergraduate schools of the university. They suggested doing so very gradually and co-education would be phased in slowly, and would slowly rise to a maximum of around 30%. That, of course, never happened, and once the doors were opened, within a few years women students quickly became fully co-equal, in academic performance, in student leadership, in numbers.

Why did the change finally happen in 1970? In part, because it was happening everywhere else, and U.Va. was among the last to jump on the bandwagon. Finally, there was a lawsuit filed by 4 women, and the future was sure to be litigious.

As we look around the university today, it may seem as if there are no remaining legacies of this resistance to gender diversity. But when we consider the relatively few tenured women among the faculty, the small number of senior women, the very small number of women in high level administrative leadership positions, perhaps we can still feel and see the implications of history.

The second example is the history of African-Americans at the University. Virginia , home of the Confederacy, would not give up easily on its beliefs that blacks and whites were not meant to inhabit the same spheres. The question of African-American admission was never a real issue until 1950, when Gregory Swanson was admitted to the Law School, after having initially been refused, because it was determined that the university would never prevail in court. Shortly afterwards, Walter Ridley was admitted to the graduate School of Education . Ridley earned the first Ph.D. awarded to a person of color. But Ridley was a mature and already very accomplished individual. He came from a very distinguished black family. His was no real test case for the integration of black students into the university.

Many were opposed to the notion of integrated education. Some, like then President Colgate Darden, thought it was justified on the graduate and professional levels, but believed that the South, and particularly Virginia, were not prepared for the change. He went on record, through radio addresses and public speeches, indicating that the region was not yet ready for school integration, and that to force this decision would have very negative consequences.

Within the walls of the university, the progress of integration was extremely slow.

In 1955, Darden brought to the attention of the Board of Visitors the application of one black male student from Newport News , applying as a pre-med student, and a young black woman who applied to Mary Washington College . Both were clearly qualified. But the Board dragged its feet, despite the advice of legal counsel Venable Minor. Instead, the Board suggested that the university wait for the General Assembly to discuss the issue in the winter of 1955-56, knowing that Governor Thomas Stanley would support a policy of active resistance. The University essentially hid behind the courts and the legislature, knowing full well the tendencies within the state to resist desegregation.

Throughout most of the 1950s and 1960s, the African-American presence was miniscule. Two black students entered the Medical School in 1954. The School of Engineering was the first to admit African-American undergraduates, and in 1955, three black students matriculated. By 1961, one engineering student transferred into the College of Arts and Sciences, thereby integrating the undergraduate College.

Slowly, very slowly, attitudes began to change. By the late 1960s, the student protest movements were gearing up. The growth of the university had meant more students from outside the South, and many of them led the movement for change. It was, in fact, the students who ultimately forced the hands of the administration. One must remember that the university tripled in size from 1960 to 1975, growing from 5,000 in 1960 to close to 15,000 by 1975. As these numbers climbed, the student body diversified geographically. Progress was slow. In 1966, only 18 full time African American students were in attendance.

Change did come finally in 1968 and 1969 – a result of student protest. In 1967, Nathan Johnson was hired as a professor in the School of Education . The numbers of students crept up slowly. In 1968, the 12 black students who chose to attend U.Va. (19 had been accepted) represented .4 percent of an entering undergraduate class of 1400. Compared to other southern universities, including the University of Mississippi , University of Alabama , and the University of Arkansas , we were dead last. After much pressure, with students calling the university racist, insensitive, and hypocritical, a part-time recruiter was hired. When he was appointed, only 52 full time and 35 part-time black students attended; only 22 were undergraduates in the College of Arts and Sciences. In 1969, there were 27 black students in the College of Arts and Sciences, and 10 in Engineering. In 1970, with a more aggressive recruitment plan, African-Americans represented 1.8% of the student body.

By 1975, significant progress had been made. Enrollment grew to ca. 500, representing 3.2% of the student body. The Black Student Alliance submitted a proposal that year to establish an Office of Minority Affairs, which became The Office of African-American Affairs in 1976, and renamed the Luther P. Jackson House in 1976. The Carter G. Woodson Institute began its operations in 1981, but only after students protested again in Spring 1980 the university's weak efforts to recruit black faculty. These initiatives helped create a comfort zone for the increasing numbers of African-American students. Those numbers were finally rising – from 3.2% in 1975 to 11% by 1982. By 1983, there were more than 1,000 black undergraduate students. The peak enrollment was reached in 1993, with 1,316 undergraduates, representing 11.6% of the student body. But in 2003, the numbers had dropped to 1,130, representing only 8.75% of undergraduates.

Commitment to diversifying the student body by color had finally arrived. But the numbers on employment of black faculty remained incredibly low. By 1985, the percentages hovered between 2.2 and 1.9. The maximum number of African-Americans in administration by 1985 was 4.3%

In more recent years, there have been attempts to pro-actively look at the progress we have made in issues of African-American Life. In 1987, a Task Force empowered by President Robert O'Neil, set forth an ambitious agenda to improve the climate at the university. Still, by 1994, there was still a strong feeling that many of the goals had not yet been met. And today, yet another Commission on Diversity is making new recommendations, calling for a new Diversity Officer, and many new programs. Will this report be different from the other efforts in the past?

Thus, the story of diversity as it relates to persons of color was one of slow and halting acceptance. Today, we boast the highest retention and graduation rate of black students of any state university. Yet, we have amazingly few African-American faculty or administrators at the university. We continue to have racial incidents, and the university community is often self-segregated. The numbers of enrolled undergraduate students have been falling since the high of the mid 1990s. Once again, we must ask the question: In what way does the southern culture so deeply rooted in this institution and this region, affect our ability to embrace change? Change appears to have come only as a reactive, not a proactive measure. Are we doomed to be resistant to policies which lead the society forward?

The third issue about diversity is the policies toward sexual preference – yet another form of diversity. The Gay Student Union was recognized by Student Council in October 1972. They requested an allocation of $75.00 from the Student Activity Fund, but were granted only $45.00. The new organization appealed the decision to the Student Activities Committee of the University, which upheld the Student Council allocation. They then again appealed to the President and Rector and Visitors who heard the case in 1973. It had now become litigious, and counsel appeared for both sides. The results are interesting, indeed.

Ultimately, the Board decided to authorize NO funds. Among the arguments were the following: First, that the GSU advocates a style of sexual life that is private and personal. No disbursement of funds can be authorized for a non-educational purpose of the University. Moreover, funds must be used for organizations to which all students have de facto access, and heterosexuals do not in fact have access to GSU social events because of the social stigma attached. Furthermore, no funds can be authorized for propagandistic purposes, and the GSU, while not political, is clearly an advocacy group, not interested in open dialogue, and therefore does not fall within the guidelines of an educational organization. . Because they see themselves as an “oppressed” group, they believe that society is hostile; as such, their activities are likely to provoke dissension. And, to the extent that homosexuality is a conscious choice, having such an organization would be “disintegrative” with “…no clear advantages to the intellectual community.” The Board further defined “disintegrative” as an organization in which people withdraw from the mainstream of the university community.

Obviously, societal values have shifted considerably from the mid 1970s. One can see how the Board was struggling with the counter-arguments, and yet unable to bring themselves to allocate these funds. Not only do they draw comparisons with athletics and social fraternities as organizations that don't clearly fall within an “educational” standard, but they also address the question of openness to other student groups. If, in fact, membership is allowed in “Female, Black, or Chicano” organizations, why disallow a gay students' group? The answer offered is the answer of choice, and the belief that homosexuality is volitional. Holding firm to the view that no funds would be given to organizations that are social or religious, the Board saw the GSU as primarily social and propagandistic, and therefore denied funds. But one can see them struggling with the questions of sexual preference and sexual diversity, and ultimately unable to see any salutary impact from having such an organization on Grounds.

History haunts us in curious ways. Here, at Mr. Jefferson's University, we are proud of our founder and our traditions of educational innovation. But the historical record also reveals a serious resistance to change and to inclusion. The historical record demonstrates that we have too often been reactive rather than proactive. Too often, we have accepted new groups only when legally we had no other option. Are there issues today that we fail to see or disregard because we are not truly interested in encouraging diversity.

Honor and tradition are wonderful values. But if they are used to retard progress, they hold us back from being all we can be. The historical record on embracing and celebrating and encouraging diversity at the University of Virginia is one we can learn from. If we know our past, perhaps we won't be doomed to repeat it.


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Next Meeting
Thursday, July 13, 2004 at 1:30 p.m. in the Aquatics and Fitness Center.

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