W lrvhvWl1'ldIlUlW >\11'Kllll\ll\I I W III. MAY 2000
Students taking the comp as a major have six hours to answer one question from Part I, one question from Part B, and two questions from Part III. Students taking the comp as a minor have four and one-half hours to answer one question from Part I and EITHER one question from Part H and one question from Part HI OR two questions from Part HI.
Part I: General Theory
A. Three types of theories account for social order. In conflict-based theories, superordinate groups and classes dominate subalterns; in consensus theories, shared values promote cohesion; and in exchange theories, mutual advantage binds groups and classes together. Discuss the origins of these three approaches among nineteenth-century theorists. Make a case for the superiority of one of these approaches--or a sythesis of two or more of them-- in one domain of contemporary comparative politics. He sure to discuss the literature that represents this position.
B. "That the rational-choice approach is unconcerned with individuals or actors and focuses its attention on political and social institutions seems paradoxical. The reason for this paradox is simple:..." Discuss the debate between methodological holism and methodological individualism. How does rational choice theory fit into this debate? What contribution do you think rational choice theory makes independent of other approaches that explain via political and social institutions?
Part B: Methodology
A. "Quantitative cross-national comparisons of many countries have found consistently a positive correlation between development and democracy. They thus come to relatively optimistic conclusions about the chances of democracy to the developing countries of today. By contrast, comparative historical studies that emphasize qualitative examination of complex sequences tend to trace the rise of democracy to a favorable historical constellation of conditions in early capitalism. Their conclusions are therefore far more pessimistic about today's developing countries."
Given contrasting methodologies, is it possible to find corroborating evidence for incompatible theories? If so, how do we resolve this problem? Discuss thus matter in the context of one major area of theorizing in comparative politics.
H. Qualitative studies have been criticized for possessing too little logical constraint to be of value m the generation and/or testing of theories. Assess the methodological and epistemological underpinnings of this claim, and discuss what rules, if any, should goven case selection to meet these objections.
Part HI: Applied Theory
A. The literature on social movements employs the concepts of political opportunity structures, mobilizing structures, and cultural framing. Apply these concepts to the analysis of at least one social movement, and evaluate the usefulness of these concepts in explaining the dynamics of social movements in general. In particular, consider the extent to which they are complementary or contradictory.
B. Theories of globalization pose two potential challenges to the discipline of comparative politics. On the one hand, by positing powerful uniform pressures to which politics and polities around
the world moat adapt, they deny the need for regional specialization. On the other hand, by locating the sources of change al the international level, they deny the need for domestic-level theories. What, of .mything, constitutes the rationale for the systematic study of national-level politics? Provide examples.
C. A significant number of authoritarian regimes have resisted the "Third Wave" of democratization since the 1970s. What theoretical approach best allows us to explain divergent regime uintcomes in either the Americas, Africa, the former Soviet bloc, the Middle East, or East Asia?
D. Which came first, the party system or electoral rules'! What are the causal mechanisms , annecting them to one another? Include in your answer discussion of specific cases.
E. What, if any, are the political requisites of late development? Discuss major theoretical approaches and illustrate your answer by way of specific examples.
F. Ethnicity and other politically salient identities are often seen as constructed. Explain the ,n Tins of constructed identities (of whatever kind) in at least two cases. What "raw materials," if any, wcnc necessary to the construcUOn of these identities"