COMPARATIVE POLITICS COMPREHENSIVE EXAMINATION

January 2004

 

Students taking this exam as a major have six hours to answer one question from Part I, one question from Part II, and two questions from Part III.  Students taking the exam as a minor have four and one-half hours to answer one question from Part I and either one question from Part II and one question from Part III or two questions from Part III.

 

All students will be evaluated according to the following criteria: 1) the extent to which they address the issues raised by the questions; 2) the breadth and depth of their knowledge of the relevant literature; and 3)their ability for critical analysis of this literature.

 

Part I General Theory

A. In a recent article provocatively titled “Structures Do Not Come with an Instruction Sheet,” Mark Blyth argues that the value of structural analysis is greatly limited by its inability to explain change and assumption that interests are objectively given rather than cognitively constituted by beliefs and desires.  Critically consider the strengths and weaknesses of structural analysis in comparative politics.   Make certain to use at least two important structuralist works to illustrate your points.

 

B. Can scholars in the 21st century learn anything from the “grand” social theories of the 19th and early 20th centuries?  (e.g. Marx, Weber, Durkheim, etc.)  Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of at least two classical social theorists in light of contemporary approaches to comparative political analysis.

 

C.  In their classic work, Shaping the Political Arena, Ruth and David Collier assert that “critical junctures … played a central role in shaping the national political arena in the following decades.”  (p. 29) The analysis of critical junctures has been widely influential in the field of comparative politics.  Define what is generally meant by a critical juncture and explain why it is important.  Give examples of critical junctures in two different analytical fields (e.g. democratization, economic policy, state formation, party systems, social movements, etc.) and assess the strengths and weaknesses of analyses based on critical junctures.

 

Part II Methodology

 

A. Harry Eckstein contends that comparative politics can include “critical cases” which can refute theories aspiring to universal applicability.  In contrast, King Keohane and Verba assert that single observations are not useful for texting hypotheses or theories because most explanations rely on multiple causal factors, because errors in measurement may cause mistakes in any given test, and because random events interfere in what are anyway only probabilistic theories.  Explain what types of tests can add or subtract to the credibility of a hypothesis or theory and elaborate why.

 

B. Process tracing is often presented as a methodological solution to the problem of generating causal explanations with a small number of cases.  Explain the process-tracing approach.  Assess its strengths and weaknesses.  Discuss whether process-tracing narratives can provide compelling causal explanations.

 

C. James Mahoney argues that macrocausal analysis employs at least three techniques of causal inference: nominal, ordinal and narrative.   Evaluate at least one work that utilizes each approach and assess the strengths and limits of each technique.  Consider the trade-offs in combining two or more approaches. 

 

Part III Applied Theory

 

A. Many analysts contend that globalization – through international capital mobility and the competitive pressures resulting from expanding international trade – places limits on state intervention while imposing incentives for neoliberal economic policies.  Others, as far back as Katzenstein 1985, have argued that increased exposure to the international economy is associated with greater state economic intervention.   Discuss the impact of globalization on economic policy giving examples from at least two countries to support your points.

 

B. Some analysts of democratization argue that democratic transitions can be

understood largely as a process of elite bargaining.  Other analysts have emphasized the importance of the development of particular class configurations in the rise of democracy.  Assess the strengths and weaknesses of each perspective.   Assess whether attempts to synthesize elements of these analytical traditions are likely to be insightful.

 

C. Ann Shola Orloff observes, “Culture as much as political economy is necessary to understand welfare state programs….  Social policy has symbolic significance in upholding or undermining the gender order.”  (Steinmetz 1997 p. 323) Consider the interaction between attitudes toward gender and the welfare state.   Discuss the extent to which the different normative, gender, and occupational realities that exist today have altered the institutions of the contemporary welfare state and the degree to which the institutional legacies of the welfare state have resisted societal gender change.  Explain the causes of the outcomes that you have observed.

 

D. Some analysts of political party systems, following in the tradition established by Duverger, argue that electoral rules fundamentally shape the nature of a party system.  Others, following the analytical tradition of Rokkan emphasize the importance of social cleavages.  Provide a critical review of the different factors that shape democratic party systems.

 

E. In his classic work, Imagined Communities, Benedict Anderson offers a constructivist perspective on how nations and nationalism come into being.  Consider how constructivism might be applied to ethnic groups and ethnic conflict.  Assess the strengths and weaknesses of constructivist approaches to ethnic identity formation.

 

F. Charles Tilly observes that the “central paradox of European state formation” is “that the pursuit of are and military capacity, after having created national states as a sort of by-product, led to a civilianization of government and domestic politics.”  (1992 p. 206)   Using Tilly’s work as well as the general literature on state formation, explain how this paradox was resolved for the states of Western Europe.  Then consider whether the process of state formation in countries outside of Western Europe has been characterized by similar dynamics.  Provide reasons for the similarities and differences in the experience of Western and non-western states.