Despite
all of the understandable loom and doom, I believe, my personal
opinion and remember again, I am speaking as a
private citizen now, no longer in the government. My personal
opinion is that the international community has, in fact, begun
to turn the corner on international terrorism. At least as
it has manifested itself so far. It will be a generational
effort, much as the Cold War was, but we have made real strides.
For example, after 9/11 the first step was very clear. Afghanistan.
In no other place on earth could Bin Laden and Al-Qaeda in
effect rent so much territory in such an open and secure way
from something resembling a government. Our military and other
agencies of the government and other agencies played a very
important role in this, even though what you saw on CNN was
primarily the military. Cleaned out Al-Qaeda training bases,
laboratories for making chemical and biological weapons, safe
houses for planning and carrying out attacks. Seized massive
quantities, massive, mountains of documents, computer hard
drives and things. Killed or captured large numbers of Al-Qaeda
operatives.
Back home however, the U.S. government of September
12, 2001 did not communicate information and intelligence inside
well enough. Not within individual agencies and not among agencies
of the government. Along with Afghanistan, this was an obvious
fix that had to be made. By the time I returned to Washington
in the summer of 2002, less than a year after 9/11, the Washington
Interagency Community and I think you all understand what I
mean about that, the cooperative group of the various key agencies – State,
CIA, Defense, FBI, and others. The Interagency Community was
doing much better. In fact, I was really struck by the spirit
of cooperation inside the house by the key counterterrorism
people, my counterparts in the agencies. Huge strides have
been made since then including such steps as the creation of
the National Counterterrorism Center – NCTC, to fuse
intelligence from across the U.S. government and local and
state authorities and foreign governments. The next step also
was fairly obvious.
It was understood at all levels of the
U.S. government, that the United States, even though we were
the largest superpower, could not locate and capture every
terrorist in the world. Could not find and break up every cell
in the world. Not possible. And even though the media were
saying both here and abroad that the U.S. is unilateralist
and wants to do this by itself, I can tell you in terms of
counterterrorism, that is not so. Everybody from the President
on down understood that the primary responsibility in Indonesia
and in Pakistan and in Europe and all of these places had to
be on those governments, sometimes helped by us in one way
or another, particularly with information, but we could not
do it. Even if we wanted to do it. We worked at building the
largest possible coalition across the globe to fight what seemed
to us to be a new scourge, looking back obviously there were
lots of signs. And found that there were not many countries
that professed themselves unwilling to do this fight. The coalition
in fact has held together rather well despite what you all
know of the vicissitudes of pre-Iraq and Iraq and high-level
feuding among senior people like the President of France and
our President and other people. We really significantly strengthened
counterterrorism cooperation around the globe. These activities
included enhanced intelligence sharing, law enforcement cooperation,
as well as finding and freezing terrorist assets – their
money, and engaging in capacity building to help others do
the same thing. We engaged and cooperated with other donor
countries, especially the Europeans, the Australians out in
Asia, to coordinate our capacity building because of course
even as rich as we and the Europeans appear to the rest of
the world, nonetheless, there just aren’t enough resources
to meet every wish that comes in from all over the rest of
the world – help us build a counterterrorism police force
or help us create an enhanced emergency operations or commands
center, those kinds of things. They are usually worthwhile
requests, but there just isn’t enough money and we don’t
inadvertently want to be doing the same thing that the Germans
are doing or the Brits, or something like that.
Of course,
the military activity continued beyond Afghanistan and beyond
Iraq. There has been some, but the U.S. military has not been
the primary instrument outside of those two countries in fighting
terrorism around the world. We engaged in a lot of multilateral
activity, even though of course we were accused of not having
any interest in multilateral work at all, with a lot of organizations
and it sounds like alphabet soup, but you know, the U.N., the
European Union, the International Civil Aviation Organization,
that was really important. The International Maritime Organization,
the G8, and other regional organizations like the Organization
of American States. At the same time, a lot of most, in fact,
of our really productive work was done bilaterally. Is still
being done bilaterally. In the Middle East that included obviously
Israel, but also Jordon, Saudi Arabia, small Gulf states, and
others. We worked quickly and well with the Europeans after
9/11. That was a given, not only our history in NATO, but because
they have really sophisticated security services, and because
they have had a fair amount of experience of their own in fighting
terrorism with the IRA, and EPTA, and the Botterman Hoft and
others. We also enhanced our cooperation with Columbia against
the group down there that is called the Fark because even though
most of the emphasis is properly placed on so-called Islamic
terrorism, which is really not a very good term, but it is
a self-professed term by them. By killers who say they are
operating in the name of Islam.
It’s not only that. Fark,
for example, is a group that Columbia obviously pays attention
to and we work with them to contain the Fark. We also created
new mechanisms to engage and cooperate with others in Latin
America, like for example Brazil, Argentina to try see what
was going on in this very dangerous area called the tri-border
area where there’s lots, at least, money raising for
Lebanese groups. We’ve also established major cooperative
efforts with Kenya and others in Africa, and help their regional
organization, which used to be called the OAU, it’s now
called the African Union, to set up a regional counterterrorism
center in Alger. Asia-pacific the same. That unfortunately
has become a major theater of terrorism and we enhanced what
was already a very strong partnership with Australia as you
can imagine. Engaged in counterterrorism dialogues with China,
Japan, and others. We enhanced our cooperation with the Philippines,
both on the civilian side and military side. Established a
new dynamic with Indonesia, particularly after the first Bali
bombing. That was a terrible tragedy. The most recent one was
a terrible tragedy. The first one did wake some people up out
there because it was lots of sort of looking away like it’s
not happening here, and we don’t know what you are talking
about. And they couldn’t say that after the first Bali
bombing, and there was lots of activity and cooperation after
that. Thailand, important partner out there. The major leader
under Bin Laden in that region was a fellow named Humbali and
he was captured in Thailand by the Thais.
That’s what
I was talking about, about the countries themselves really
need to pick up the ball sometimes without our help. We’re
working with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, ASAN
to devise, we have already devised a counterterrorism work
plan. I’m just laying out some sort of ideas without
exhaustive list at all of what we were doing. What I outlined
above in just a brief few minutes really took an enormous effort
by U.S. officials and others worldwide. That was only the beginning
though. That was the essential phase right after 9/11. Afghanistan,
enhancing intelligence, and finding and freezing money and
law enforcement and all of those things. As we reached the
period that I call the end of the beginning, sort of the middle
of ’03 and of ’04, there began another phase of
this struggle that is going to have real relevance for everybody,
not only for us, but around the world. It’s what I call
remaking the international system.
For example, we’ve
cooperated very much with the Europeans and the Organization
of Security and Cooperation for Europe, OSCE in Vienna, on
standardization and strong improvement of passports and travel
documents. The current ones are easily forged or altered. I
mean you know that, it’s not too different than they
were fifty years ago. They are a piece of paper with a photo
print glued on there and some security features that they didn’t
have fifty years ago, but it’s not what needs to be done.
We need to go to tamperproof travel documents using biometrics.
Fingerprints. Iris scans and those kinds of things and we’re
moving toward that. We are also worked very closely with the
International Civil Aviation Organization out of Montreal,
ICAO, on aviation security. None of us will ever forget the
image, again and again, of the plane flying into the World
Trade Center. And major strides have been made in the U.S.
and internationally on hardening cockpit doors and strengthening
passenger and baggage screening and improving airport security.
There has been less progress and there needs to be progress
on maritime security. We’ve made a start with International
Maritime Organization and others on such programs as the Container
Security Initiative, trying to find ways to understand what’s
in containers over there before they come here. We’ve
been discussing maritime security broadly, particularly with
the Asians given how critical shipping is them and also there
are very important chokepoints around the world and one of
the really key ones out there is called the Straight of Malaka,
a lot of the world’s oil passes through there. There
is no agreement at this point on exactly how to protect the
Straight of Malaka, but we have been having a lot of dialogues
with governments in the region about trying to convince them
to be flexible and creative about how to defend the Straight
of Malaka.
We
also have been trying to understand much better about crews.
I mean you know ships used to just come in. They
wait their turn and they come into a harbor and there was
an immigration official trying to see who the crew was and
asking
them what was on the containers. Now we have got to go to
a different system of understanding when it’s way out
there, what’s on the containers and who the crew is.
Paying a lot more attention to that than we used to because
it’s
not only planes that can be used as missiles. A lot of times
people will say it would be really awful if the terrorists
can smuggle a nook or something in one of the containers.
That would be horrible and people are trying their best to
prevent
that. But the ship itself can be used as a missile, like
the plane. And I am not putting any ideas in the terrorist
mind
I guarantee that people already haven’t thought up.
They are very innovative. So in light of this, I do not want
to
dwell on this too long.
How are we doing? My personal opinion
is that at one level, we are winning the war on terrorism.
The Al-Qaeda of 2001 has been very seriously degraded. In
2001, Bin Laden had global reach. His preferred method is
to be a
really active hands-on CEO. He likes to run several things
at one time and to tell “recruit more people for that
one” and “hold up on that one for a week until
I get back to you” and these kinds of things. He cannot
do that anymore. The organization of recruiting and training
centers and laboratories and finance for Al-Qaeda - I am
talking about now, not all groups across the world- I’m
talking about Al-Qaeda, has been very seriously degraded.
Most of the
major, original leaders, the senior experienced leaders who
were with him at the time of 2001 are either dead or under
captivity. The really key one was ---- Khalid Shaikh Mohammed,
who was his Ops Chief, his Operations Chief. When the Pakistanis
took him down, that was a very major blow and of course there
are always younger guys coming in, but it is not the same.
They’re vicious, they want to kill us, but they’re
not the same as these really experienced, sophisticated guys
who could move around the world and who were known to know
Bin Laden. They were known to be confidants of Bin Laden.
They don’t have the experience as I mentioned and it
is interesting speaking of Zarqawi, an interesting guy to
watch because I
personally believe that Zarqawi has visions of himself, although
he has pledged some level of allegiance to Bin Laden. I believe
he has visions of himself as being the next Bin Laden. And
Iraq is only a little first step for him. I don’t believe
that he will be on this earth long enough to actually organize
such a thing. And it’s interesting that Bin Laden’s
senior deputies, the two top guys, are still out there. Bin
Laden and an Egyptian physician named Zawyhiri. And Zawyhiri
recently sent a letter that was intercepted and it is a very
interesting, long letter, and very important. Any of you
who really want to probe deeply into this, the letter is
on the
website www.dni.gov. It’s a really interesting letter
to read. And Zawyhiri actually felt the necessity to ask
Zarqawi in Iraq to tone it down. To chill out a little and
not do these
televised beheadings and those kinds of things because he
was actually harming what he wanted to do. So some of the
younger
ones are clearly not in control. And Zawyhiri was asking
his clear underling, he thought he was his underling because
he
was lecturing to him in Iraq, tell me what’s going
on, we are really isolated up here, we don’t have the
news. A really important letter and he also was really crystal
clear
that they still want to attack us, what their strategy is,
etcetera. It was a very, very interesting reader.
And the
strategy is more realistic than some have thought, where
they said just
try to take over the world and make the U.S. a Muslim state
and all of that - it is not so. But they do want to create
this caliphate across the whole Middle East including Egypt
and the other Jordan and the other key countries, starting
with Iraq. That wasn’t the original game plan. That
was Saudi Arabia there. That has changed, but the basic goal
is
still the same and an ultimate would be the destruction of
Israel and he says it all right in there. Zawyhiri’s
Iraq-based Al Queda group, Jamia Islamia the lead group out
in Southeast Asia, in the Philippines and others do not have
the global reach that Bin Laden’s Al-Qaeda group had
in 2001. That’s the good news, but we are in a time
of transition. The whole change of it in part because of
new leaders
in Iraq and in part because of successes against Al-Qaeda.
It’s a transition of fluid situation. Terrorist groups
seem to be trying to come together in some way. They are
small. They are more diffused. They are not centralized not
Al-Qaeda
was in 9/11. It’s often apparent that individuals or
very small groups are acting on their own in situations like
Madrid. So that is good at one level, but not one of these
groups yet have the kind of global, overarching reach that
Bin Laden used to have. The bad part is that is makes it
really difficult for the security forces.
Now, the homeland.
You can
see that I am personally convinced that the international
community has made real strides on international terrorism.
One obvious
question, particularly after Katrina and the other recent
disasters, is have the U.S. government, state, and local
authorities and
the private sectors made as much progress? I will say that
I again, my personal belief is that the homeland is safer
than it was on September 10, 2001, but I have to qualify
this by
reminding you that we were starting from a very, very low
baseline and I know it couldn’t be the case for any
of the students in this room, but just a theoretical example,
I’ll give
you an example of a theoretical student who had a F or a
D minus in his or her course and actually started getting
out
of bed and going to class and paying a little attention and
raised his or her grade to a C minus, that’s be a big
improvement percentage wise. Still wouldn’t be very
satisfactory progress. We were starting from a very low base.
The homeland
is safer because at least we are awake. We know we are under
attack.
Before 9/11, I must say, there were a few lone voices
out there who were trying to raise the alarm, but most of
us were asleep. We were still dosing in this post- Soviet
roaring
nineties kind of rivalry. Compared with that time, we are
safer. We know someone is gunning force. We have a pretty
good idea
of who it is. Now there have been some very dramatic changes.
The obvious one is creation of the Department of Homeland
Security. That plus the creation of the Northern Military
Command called
NorthComm, the Northern Command and other things like that
have resulted in the biggest reorganization of the U.S. government
since World War II. We also of course have the new Director
of National Intelligence, John Knight Negreponti, and may
others, too numerous to list and you know them anyway. But
these are
very important from a bureaucratic point of view. I do believe,
again personal view, that despite New Orleans, despite all
of the very justified criticism against FEMA, I think that
in the big picture, that DHS, Department of Homeland Security,
has been much more of a plus than a negative. I know there
are all kinds of calls on the Hill. Let’s dismantle
this, let’s change that, let’s pull FEMA out,
let’s
put it back, and I don’t know how it is going to come
out and I think DHS, what they did was bring together twenty-two
agencies of the U.S. government including Coast Guard and
Customs and Immigration and Secret Service, and TSA, the
ones we all
love who make us take our shoes off, altogether in one mega-agency.
Mega department that overnight became the third largest in
the U.S. government after DOD and the Veteran’s Administration.
Huge – one hundred eighty thousand employees, twenty-two
legacy agencies. It’s still not perfect to this day,
but in my opinion, Tom Ridge and Jim Loy did as well as anyone
could have done to begin the process of at least getting
them to talk to each other, getting communications that could
work
together.
There have been a lot of other improvements and
noticeable changes. Very visible ones are in aviation and
in government
buildings. Washington, for example has changed in ways, for
example, that did not happen after Oklahoma City. There are
cement planters, delta barriers, police everywhere. I certainly
noticed a huge change from my earlier years in Washington.
A lot of these buildings were sitting ducks. They still could
be attacked, but they really were sitting ducks before. And
of course the financial and manpower implications are huge.
Likewise, many experts believe it would be very difficult
to highjack a commercial airliner today. Some say impossible.
I don’t say that, but many people even believe it is
impossible. With hardened cockpit doors, new crew rules,
greatly enhanced screening of passengers, screening including
before
they ever arrive at the airport, an Israeli style. Something
is known about some people before they even get there. Screening
of carry-on bags. You’ve got cabin crews and passengers
who are alert and determined to be another layer of defense.
Determined that these guys are not going to get inside the
cockpit in addition to the cockpit door. In addition, there
are a lot more stein marshals out there. I don’t know
the details of that, but there are certainly more of them
than there used to be. Other defenses include increasingly
sophisticated
machines for detecting explosives, expanded use of sniffer
dogs, improving techniques such as facial recognition inside
airports and strengthened perimeter security against shoulder
fired missiles. And now while commercial aviation in my view
is much safer, there is a long way to go in private and what’s
called general aviation. Many of the smaller airports remain
quite open and provide real targets for terrorists. After
9/11, many countries took a look at their terrorism laws
and realized
that there were serious gaps. Italy, where I was serving
at the time, did that and found some gaps that it closed.
The
U.S. took a crucial step forward in my opinion by dismantling
the so-called wall that was blocking the sharing of intelligence
acquired overseas with domestic agencies. I am not a fan
of all parts of the so-called Patriot Act, but this piece
is very
important and allowing the sharing of key information with
the FBI has enabled the FBI to work much more effectively
to uncover and lock blocks inside the United States. Some
states
and localities get it and have worked hard. And New Orleans
not withstanding, I think many states and large localities
are better prepared than they were. Some states, localities,
and counties are woefully unprepared. Again, I just say the
word Katrina and you get it.
They’ve gotten a lot of
dollars, some of them from DHS, some others have had to struggle
for money or they’ve had other priorities or there
has been a very low level belief in the possibility of a
terrorist
attack. Critical infrastructures are really important there.
There has been some progress in critical infrastructure there.
There are better, for example, better barriers and fences
around some nuclear plants than there were, which were just
wide open
before. Increased police patrols around bridges in some places.
Security efforts to protect key tunnels. I mentioned airports.
Lots of port security enhancements around the U.S. and globally
by the way. However, much critical infrastructure in this
country is private. In private hands and there’s lots
of debate how to persuade or coerce private companies to
use some of
their money for these kinds of security upgrades.
One thing
I want to mention in particular is the chemical industry.
That is of great concern. Richard Falkenrat is a visiting
fellow
at Brookings. He gave some testimony on April 27, 2005 before
the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental
Affairs. Richard said to the Senate, “Of all the various
remaining civilian vulnerabilities in America today, one
stands alone as uniquely deadly, pervasive, and susceptible
to terrorist
attack. Toxic inhalation hazard (TIH) industrial chemicals
such as chlorine, etcetera, etcetera. They are essential
to our economy, etcetera, but storage facilities for these
ultra-hazardous
chemicals routinely carry thousands of tons. Security that
exists at any particular facility is essentially the outcome
of voluntary, discretionary decisions made by the owners
of the facilities. There is no security whatsoever along
TIH transportation
routes”. And here’s the sentence I wanted you
all to focus on, “Even the most conservative estimates
of the Department of Homeland Security can see that there
is at
least one TIH chemical facility, which if successfully attacked
could result in more than one million human deaths. One million
human deaths. Specific scientific estimates of scenarios
that could result in tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands
of human deaths are commonplace”. So you can see why
people are talking about that in Washington so it’s
not a completely negative view that I give you, but no matter
what
the politicians say, if you think that it is impossible for
there to be some level of terrorist attack after all that
apparently has been done since 9/11, you are wrong. It is
not possible
that all trains, subways, shopping malls, can be protected
against suicide bombers like in London recently or in Madrid.
There will be at least a smaller Madrid or London style attack
somewhere. It is impossible to prevent in a country this
large and this open.